Daily Development for Friday, November 18, 2005
by:
Patrick A. Randolph, Jr.
Elmer F. Pierson Professor of Law
UMKC School of
Law
Of Counsel: Blackwell Sanders Peper Martin Kansas City,
Missouri
dirt@umkc.edu
ENVIRONMENTAL LAW; ENVIRONMENTAL IMPACT; RETAIL
DEVELOPMENT: California
courts wrestle with question of environmental
impact of supercenter.
Maintain Our Desert Environment v. Town of
Apple Valley, 124 Cal. App.
4th 430, 15 Cal. Rptr. 3d 322 (2004); Bakersfield
Citizens for Local
Control v. City of Bakersfield, 22 Cal. Rptr. 3d 203 (Cal.
App. 2004)
As some readers are aware, a major political battle is being
waged in
some parts of America between Wal Mart and a group of
political
interests, including community activists and union groups, who
are
hostile to Wal Mart essentially because its business practices have
been
so effective that they have had massive social consequences.
The
motives for the "antis" range from traffic concerns and
other
environmental impacts to concerns about wages and benefits, impact
on
competing stores and, for that matter competing
development,
contribution to urban sprawl when Wal Mart abandons a location
and no
other retailer can afford to occupy the deserted space, etc.
etc.
California has one of the most involved land use processes in
the
nation, with a requirement for an elaborate environmental impact
report
layered upon any major land use decision. Recently, the "antis"
have
attempted to use the environmental impact report process to delay
or
otherwise hinder Wal Mart from locating facilities in various
California
neighborhoods. The two above cited cases are the latest
appellate
reports stemming from this continuing gunfight.
The
first case, Maintain Our Desert Environment (yes - the felicitously
named
Apple Valley is indeed a desert community), dealt with a land use
request to
construct a 1.2 million square foot distribution center. The
local
planning authorities identified the project as having potentially
significant
environmental impact, commissioned a study and a report and,
when all was
said and done, approved the project after considering
the
report.
Shortly thereafter, plaintiffs, joined by the
California Attorney
General, sued to set aside the approval because the
environmental
report was flawed in that it did not identify that the likely
user of
the distribution center was Wal Mart. The issue was joined as
to
whether the identity of a tenant of such a distribution center was
a
central factor to be considered in the preparation of an
environmental
impact statement. The plaintiff argued that Wal Mart's identity
should
have been disclosed in the report and in notices concerning the
hearing
on the report. The city concluded that this was not required,
and the
court of appeals here agreed.
"So long as the proct is
approved, [the California Environmental Quality
Act] has no concern about who
uses it. If CEQA compliance required the
identification of the project
end user, a new EIR would need to be
considered every time property was sold
or a different tenant moved into
a building, regardless of the use to which
the property was to be put."
The plaintiffs argued that, by disguising
the identity of Wal Mart, many
avid opponents of Wal Mart projects were not
given the opportunity to
protest at the hearings. But the court
concluded that any basis for
opposing the project related to the fact that
Wal Mart was a tenant
would entirely speculative and inadmissable in
court.
"The crux of the issue is that the project itself, and
therefore its
environmental impact, is identical regardless of who will
operate it.
The only possible reasons for the public to object to accepting
Wal Mart
but not a competitor under these circumstances have noting
whatsoever to
do with the aims and purposes of CEQA."
The court
acknowledged that identity of an end user might be relevant if
it had an
unsatisfactory environmental record elsewhere in the country.
But plaintiffs
here had not tried to justify their opposition to Wal
Mart by reference to
Wal Mart's environmental history. The plaintiffs
also argued that it
might be important to name the end use because the
community deserves to know
whether the applicant end user will have the
wherewithal to deal with
environmental issues as they come up. The
court ridiculed that notion,
pointing out that land use decisions ought
not to be made on the basis of
relative wealth.
The sweep of the Maintain Our Desert Environment case is
limited
somewhat by the Bakersfield case, decided a few months
later.
Bakersfield made plain that, whatever might be the case with
a
distribution center, it certainly is appropriate to identify the
end
user of a project if the proposal is for a "supercenter." The
court
defined a "supercenter" as the combination of a traditional Wal
Mart
discount store with a full-size grocery store. The opinion is
somewhat
vague as to whether a "supercenter" in the view of the court is
always a
Wal Mart, or whether some other operator could be viewed as
a
"supercenter" operator if it combined discount and grocery
operations.
Although the court was very careful to indicate that the
economic
battles Wal Mart has with unions is not relevant to the
environmental
impacts addressed in an EIR, it concludes that other
impacts
considerations of the impact of a "supercenter" store operation make
it
vital that the EIR identify the proposed o!
perato
rs of the
center. California courts ought not to approve EIR's for
shopping
centers with "stealth" supercenter.
In Bakersfield, there were
proposals for two regional shopping centers,
only about 3.6 miles
apart. One developer did list the future tenants,
including a Wal
Mart supercenter, the other did not identify any
tenants, stating that no
tenants had as yet been selected. In fact the
developers of the other
center also were negotiating with Wal Mart to
locate a supercenter
there. (Two such centers 3.6 miles apart???
Golly.)
The planning
authorities concluded that both proposed projects posed a
risk of significant
adverse environmental impacts, and ordered EIRs.
Both EIR's identified
significant adverse impacts, but the agencies
found the impacts to be within
an acceptable range and approved each
project. Opponents then
challenged both EIR's in court, seeking an
injunction halting
construction. By the time of the lawsuit, the fact
that Wal Mart had a
supercenter going into both locations was known, and
the court found the
EIR's deficient in that one did not identify the Wal
Mart proposal and that
neither took into account the impact of a
combination of two supercenters so
close together, which the court
suggested could contribute to "urban
decay." This decay would result,
the court concluded, both from the
closing of a nearby Wal Mart to be
replaced by a supercenter and the impact
on other "general retail
businesses" in the area. The court decertified
the EIR's. It refused
to enjoy all con!
struct
ion on the
two regional shopping centers, but did enjoin construction of
the
supercenters at both locations.
The appeals court started off the
discussion with a general disclaimer,
which strikes the editor as somewhat
unusual for a court at this level,
so he has quoted it below:
"At the
outset, it is necessary to explicitly reject certain
philosophical and
sociological beliefs that some of the parties have
vigorously expressed. For
the record, we do not endorse BCLC's elitist
premise that so-called "big box"
retailers are undesirable in a
community and are inherently inferior to
smaller merchants, nor do we
affirm its view that Wal-Mart, Inc. (Wal-Mart),
is a destructive force
that threatens the viability of local communities.
Wal-Mart is not a
named party in these actions and we rebuff [plaintiff's]
transparent
attempt to demonize this corporation. We do not know whether
Wal-Mart's
entry into a geographic region or expansion of operations within
a
region is desirable for local communities. Similarly, we do not
know
whether Wal-Mart is a "good" or a "bad" employer. We offer no comment
on
Wal-Mart's alleged miserly compensation and benefit package
because
[plaintiff] did not link the asserted low wages and absence
of
affordable health insurance cover!
age to
direct or
indirect adverse environmental consequences.
Likewise, we will not
dignify with extended comment [defendant's]
complaint that [plaintiff] is
just a "front" for a grocery worker's
union whose disgruntled members feel
threatened by nonunionized
Wal-Mart's entry into the grocery business. As
will be explained,
[plaintiff] has standing to pursue this litigation and it
exhausted its
administrative remedies. This is sufficient. We do not know
whether
Wal-Mart adversely affects the strength of organized labor and we
have
not considered this question.
In sum, we have no underlying
ideological agenda and have strictly
adhered to the accepted principle that
the judicial system has a narrow
role in land use battles that are fought
through CEQA actions. "The only
role for this court in reviewing an EIR is to
ensure that the public and
responsible officials are adequately informed '
"of the environmental
consequences of their decisions before they are made."
' "
We then come to the
elaborate tap dance by which the court, having
denied an interest in Wal
Mart's economic and social impacts, then
reached the conclusion that indeed
economic such issues are
environmental issues and need to be evaluated.
The court first states
that the EIR process requires the identification of
"both primary
(direct) and 'reasonably foreseeable' secondary (indirect)
consequences
be considered in determining the significance of a
project's
environmental effect." Further, the court noted that state
guidelines
for the CEQA state that "the economic or social effects of
proposed
projects are outside the Act's purview." But then the court
winds round
again: "[I]f the forecasted economic or social effects of a
proposed
project directly or indirectly will lead to adverse physical changes
in
the environment, then CEQA requires disclosure and analysis of
these
resulting physical impacts."
The court cited prior California
cases, included some of its own
decisions, supporting the conclusion that
closure of competing
businesses as a consequence of competition from a new
business brought
in by a real estate development project was an "adverse
environmental"
effect, at least if the competing businesses were not likely
to be
replaced by other businesses. The only interruption in the
steady
drumbeat of cases moving toward judicial economic policy making
through
EIR's was a case in which a court refused to require analysis of
the
impact of a Border's book store on existing local bookstores, since
it
appeared that if the local bookstores closed down, other
retail
businesses could take their place.
The planning agencies,
of course, had taken into account the question of
whether the proposed new
centers would lead to "environmental impacts,"
including "urban decay," and
concluded that it should approve the
projects anyway. But the court
states that the studies did not give
reasons for those conclusions, and did
not specifically address the
combined impact of the two new shopping centers
so close together.
Further, of course, the studies did not address the impact
of two Wal
Mart supercenters because one of the reports didn't identify Wal
Mart or
even the existence of a second supercenter.
In the final
analysis, the court really didn't even need the existence
of the
supercenters. It concluded that the EIR analysis was indequate
because
the discussion of urban decay did not specifically address a
number of issues
raised by the opponents of the projects - relating both
to business closures
and the shut down of old Wal Mart facilities, which
rarely are repopulated by
other businesses.
"The responses in the EIR's to these and other
comments do not
meaningfully address the issue of urban decay. [One of the
EIR's] states
that vacant buildings 'are part of the evolutionary change of
the retail
environment.' It then asserts that further analysis is
outside th scope
of CEQA because economic and social effects are not
considered
environmental effects under CEQA. . . . [The other report] is
similarly
incomplete. Ignoring the question of urban decay or
deterioration, it
simply replies that 'blight' is a legal term that does not
apply. It
also asserts that vacancy rates and business closures are
purely
economic impacts and therefore outside of CEQA. Finally, it
states that
a survey of vacant buildings ad been prepared and this
survey
demonstrated that 'retailers entering or leaving the
market,
relocations, re-leasing to new tenants or conversions to other uses
is a
normal part of a dynamic market."
The court gets increasingly
critical of the EIR process as the opinion
goes on. In response to the
report's conclusion that the old Wal Mart
space "can" be relet to other
tenants, the court states that this is not
a statement that the space "will"
be relet.
In the end, although the court stated that "we do not
quarrel" with the
Apple Valley decision, indeed it is difficult to see how
this court
would have reached the same result, even had the case not involved
a
retail operator. The kinds of analysis used in this case
could
certainly have been mustered in opposition to a Wal Mart operation
in
Apple Valley had the fact of Wal Mart's identity been known. A
great
deal of the evidence analyzed here is extremely specific
anecdotal
accounts of Wal Mart's massive impact nationwide. It is
virtually a
revesal of Charley Brown's old statement about General
Motors. Here,
the opponents are pretty much saying that Wal Mart is too
big and too
powerful and "what's good for Wal Mart is bad for
America."
The court then moved away from specific economic analysis and
began
talking about air and water quality impacts of the two major
projects.
In the end, in a few paragraphs, it bolstered its anti-Wal Mart
decision
with other broader conclusions supporting the decertification of
the
reports, so that it really is difficult to know what role the Wal
Mart
discussion had in that decertification at all, a tactic which
certainly
will influence the ability of the defendants to appeal, and will
leave
in the books the extensive discussion of why EIR's have to be
economic
planning documents.
Upon remand, the defendants pay all the
legal costs (of course) and the
reports are to be decertified, and the trial
court must evaluate whether
to enjoy all construction *and retail operations*
at both centers
pending the final preparation of the report.
Comment
1: For decades in California, environmental interests have
played
the "paper game" against targeted projects" with great success.
With a
cooperative court, and the vast array of available environmental
commentators
and experts, it is no great feat to muster a case that any
given
environmental analysis failed to adequately account for why this
or that
impact was not fully considered. Note that, once everything is
in fact
fully considered, the public agency most often would be
permitted to go ahead
with the project anyway, as it did here. But the
environmental
interests never have to reach the point of challenging the
validity of the
public decision - where they'd likely lose. Instead,
they simply have
to show that the process of decision was flawed because
the report was
flawed. It is not an adequate answer that the public
agency wouldn't
give a damn anyway. It has to jump through the hoops.
Courts have been
quite willing - given the proper cause - to contin!
ue to
erect
hoops, and, incidentally - to impose all the costs of the hoop
building
directly on the proponents. California has had a booming real
estate
economy for all this time, and apparently has been able to
sustain the wealth
redistribution resulting from this process. There is
some question as
to whether this can continue.
Comment 2: One can make an argument that
the environmental
"externalities" of land use decisions often are lost on
public officials
who are looking at positive economic and social
benefits to their
community presented by a new development project, and thus
a rationale
exists for requiring such officials to study hard a careful
scientific
analysis of these impacts before opting for the "quick
buck."
But can the same policy analysis support the expansion of
the EIR
process into economic and social issues themselves? Here, one
would
assume that elected officials in fact are fully focussed on
these
issues, both written and unwritten, proven and hypothetical, and
have
made the proper balance. Is there the same argument for
empowering
project opponents with the enormously powerful delaying tool that
CEQA
provides to those with more traditional environmental
concerns?
One suspects that the California legislature ultimately will
have to
evaluate this question anew, and give the courts clearer instruction
as
to the proper scope of these reports, because it is clear that
current
courts are running a long way with the ball the legislature has
handed
to them.
Comment 3: Of course, it can always be argued
that local officials are
stupid blundering chamber of commerce types who
respond only to economic
and political power considerations and have far less
judgment as to the
economic and social issues presented by new development
than that
possessed by nonprofit "public interest" groups and their
lawyers and
financial supporters. If this is the case, however, is the
remedy for
such a state of affairs lie with the legislature or the
courts. Or does
it lie with the people? If elected officials make
corrupt or stupid
decisions - turn the rascals out!!
The
fundamental question presented by cases of this type is whether
economic or
social policy will be made by the courts or the people. The
answer is
not always as easy as it sounds. Constitutional issues belong
to the
courts, of course, and environmentalists have managed to raise
their agenda
virtually to Constitutional status, at least in California.
But how big can
this bandwagon get? At some point, we must trust our
future to our
political process, for better or worse.
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